October 9, 1942 was the day Australia became independent of Great Britain...Well, that's pushing it, especially as a term like "independence" doesn't really apply to Australia as it all happened gradually by very small increments over 150 years. Three of the more notable ones were:
Thanks Bogong.October 9, 1942 was the day Australia became independent of Great Britain...Well, that's pushing it, especially as a term like "independence" doesn't really apply to Australia as it all happened gradually by very small increments over 150 years. Three of the more notable ones were:There were about a dozen other increments towards full government of Australia by Australians starting in the 1820s. Probably the last was the abolition of appeals from the High Court of Australia to the Privy Council in the 1970s.
- 1850s. All colonies (except underdeveloped W.A.) were granted responsible government. That basically meant that the UK walked away from their responsibilities in that administration. Every colony then had to govern itself according to its own laws, fund itself and defend itself (although there was an implicit attitude that the UK would help in most circumstances). Initially special UK legislation could be passed to overrule colonial laws. Later Victoria pi55ed off the UK by allowing a Confederate warship to dock and refit, but by the mid 1860s the UK no longer had the power to order Victoria to chuck the Confederates out. Canadian colonies were also granted responsible government at the same time and they quickly federated, but Melbourne and Sydney rivalry was too fierce to allow this to be considered for another third of a century.
- Federation was called that because the colonies (soon to be states) federated and gave up specified powers to a new Commonwealth government. The UK parliament had to ratify this, but they had very few powers over Australia to give up, so the new government of the Commonwealth of Australia had powers that were overwhelmingly just transferred from the states.
- Statute of Westminster, passed in UK in 1931 and codified policies already in place. Thus it was sort of partly adopted in Australia by acknowledgement, but no political party felt any need to formally adopt it until the Second World War, when it became important to have a federal government mission to the U.S. as opposed to just relying on representatives of Australian states and the UK who were based in America.
But if anyone is silly enough to talk about an Australian independence date, they are just displaying an ignorance of the issue. The thing sort of gradually evolved in many increments over 150 years.
The High Court needs no desire for adventurism to rule Joyce, Canavan, Nash and Xenophon valid. The very first paragraph in my post quoted by you states that the High Court has previously noted Section 44 as being too broadly written for a 'black and white' reading. It has previously stated that the position of these four are in is unlikely to be determined invalid.The HC might say s44 is too broad but at the end of the day they may not find in favor Joyce etc if they take a black letter approach. This court is not known for legal adventurism.Leave the bloody thing alone.Section 44 has been acknowledged by the High Court as being written too broadly, Nash, Joyce and Xenophon will be found to be lawfully elected, because the High Court has stated in the past that merely having a foreign country bestow citizenship on an Australian is not sufficient to have them be ineligible for Parliament.
If the politicians had followed the law Turnbull would not have to be making excuses now.
Canavan is a tricky one, he had citizenship bestowed not by his own doing or request, I have a feeling the High Court will rule him valid, Waters and Ludlam had to go, they were born overseas, and as such should have known and understood that birthright is the international default for citizenship. Waters saying she left young and has never been back does not wash.
October 9, 1942 was the day Australia became independent of Great Britain, when the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942 received Royal assent. Until then, Austalian foreign policy had been that of Westminster, the British Parliament.I think that's maybe a bit untrue.
Until 1930, 30 years after Federation and the constitution being signed, the UK was still appointing the GG, was this forecast when the constitution was written?Maybe the "founding fathers" thought the process would gradually evolve, but the Commonwealth of Australia was originally a British colony, not an independent state, and there was no Australian citizenship until about 1948, so the whole idea of allegiance to a foreign power was not as it is today. We were literally British. Being born in the UK and retaining British citizenship was never an issue, and I assume it would not have been an issue until well after Australian citizenship became a thing.
Agree, and hence why if nothing else Section 44 will not apply to those whose citizenship of another country is purely from that country claiming that person has citizenship through birthright, not from the individual applying or exercising any use of that citizenship.Until 1930, 30 years after Federation and the constitution being signed, the UK was still appointing the GG, was this forecast when the constitution was written?Maybe the "founding fathers" thought the process would gradually evolve, but the Commonwealth of Australia was originally a British colony, not an independent state, and there was no Australian citizenship until about 1948, so the whole idea of allegiance to a foreign power was not as it is today. We were literally British. Being born in the UK and retaining British citizenship was never an issue, and I assume it would not have been an issue until well after Australian citizenship became a thing.
In dealing with the matter at hand I think there should be leniency. The position on dual citizenship moving forward could be decided and resolved without the need to kick people out of parliament. We know the various parties have their own agenda related to the numbers and how it could affect their power, but it's really just a waste of time and resources. They should decide their position, let those who need to renounce foreign nationality do so, then lay the matter to rest and get on with governing.
Section 44 readsWhen reviewing judgement against the constitution, my understanding is the high court ruling is based on how they believe the statement was intended to imply at the time of writing.
" Any person who:
(i) is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power; or
(ii) is attainted of treason, or has been convicted and is under sentence, or subject to be sentenced, for any offence punishable under the law of the Commonwealth or of a State by imprisonment for one year or longer; or
(iii) is an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent; or
(iv) holds any office of profit under the Crown, or any pension payable during the pleasure of the Crown out of any of the revenues of the Commonwealth; or
(v) has any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in any agreement with the Public Service of the Commonwealth otherwise than as a member and in common with the other members of an incorporated company consisting of more than twenty‑five persons;
shall be incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a senator or a member of the House of Representatives."
It is both explicit and unambiguous... The wording can be changed, but only by referendum.
There is not a lot of room for interpretation.
When reviewing judgement against the constitution, my understanding is the high court ruling is based on how they believe the statement was intended to imply at the time of writing. ...If that was the case, people who were (possibly) able to claim citizenship of Canada, UK and NZ would not have been chucked out of the senate because, when the constitution was written in the 1890s, these places were not "foreign". At the time they were all just different self governing parts of the Empire and not at all foreign.
There are many other cases of "legal adventurism" by the High Court in interpreting the constitution that would not have been intended or approved of in the 1890s. So the High Court has a strong and regular history of activist interpretation of the constitution and creating case law that would have been seen as both radical and against the intentions of the authors at the time of writing.
Section 44 reads
" Any person who:
(i) is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power; or
It is both explicit and unambiguous... The wording can be changed, but only by referendum.
There is not a lot of room for interpretation.
For me I stand by the position that citizenship claimed by other nations apon Australian citizens but not used or benefited from and certainly if not traveled to the country as an adult or obtained a passport is not against the spirit and/or the intent of section 44.
is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power; or
Because
- you have no proclaimed allegiance and allegiance by birth when born in Australia is highly questionable,
- you have not done anything to support that foreign power
- you have not adhered to any request or order by the foreign power
- you have not claimed any rights or privileges of that foreign power
- overall you do not demonstrate that you have any preference or bias to that foreign power to Australian law and culture.
The only part is of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power. But again this is questionable.
...
The Sykes v Cleary judgement also examined the citizenship status of Cleary’s election opponents. The Liberal candidate was born in Switzerland, was a naturalised Australian citizen, but still had Swiss citizenship. The Labor candidate was Greek born and caught in the same trap, a naturalised Australian but still possessing Greek citizenship.
The majority of the High Court ruled that both were disqualified as they had not attempted to rid themselves of their foreign citizenship.
The Court acknowledged that in some cases Australian citizens cannot rid themselves of foreign citizenship.
Rather than let foreign law define whether an Australian citizen can run for Parliament, the High Court adopted a test in Australian law that a candidate must make “all reasonable steps” to rid themselves of other allegiances.
Antony Green gave a good summary of the issues and the case law in his latest blog entry on the subjectThat is a good summary, and it is worth reading it all. There is a lot of uncertainty in this issue, and it will not be resolved quickly.
(http://blogs.abc.net.au/antonygreen/2017/07/section-44i-strikes-again-senator-canavan-.html)
Apparently (I'm not interested enough to read it all) the relevant case is this one.
It looks like the learned judges read the constitution and took it at face value...Which is a bit unusual as usually its interpreted in the spirit for which they believe it was written for at the time.
I reject the suggestion that the High Court simply took it at face value.It looks like the learned judges read the constitution and took it at face value...Which is a bit unusual as usually its interpreted in the spirit for which they believe it was written for at the time.
Going on face value to me is the High Court taking the easy road and potentially deliberately raising a Red Flag for the govt to act and fix the issue.
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